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Try
Again in Afghanistan
By
Anwar-ul-Haq Ahady
The Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 24.1992
Though battling continues among rival
factions backed by regional sposors, stalemate offers an opening for a
new UN peace initiave
ALTHOUGH the war in Afghanistan no longer makes headlines in the West,
the suffering of the Afghans is still comparable to that of the Somalis
and Bosnians.
Heavily armed rival groups have caused much destruction and killing in
the past four months. They have looted public and private property on
a very large scale and have engaged in mass kidnapping of the residents
of Kabul. They have frequently shelled residential areas in the ' city,
killing thousands and forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee
for safety in other provinces or outside the country. The interim government
does not exercise any meaningful authority over Kabul or the rest of the
country. It is just one of the many armed groups involved in this destruction
and killing.
The main reason for this chaos and violence is that numerous heavily armed
groups want to dominate the country but lack the power to prevail over
the others. They are also unable to form alliances with other groups to
defeat their common opponents. Most of these armed groups are supported
by Pakistan, Iran, or Saudi Arabia. The intensity of violence between
these groups reflects the intensity of rivalries in the Middle East, especially
between Saudi. Arabia and Iran.
The sudden collapse of the communist regime last April created a military
and political vacuum that encouraged a struggle for power among the rival
armed groups. Some of the leading contenders for power, such as Ahmed
Shah Masoud and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, believed that controlling Kabul would
enable them to establish their authority throughout the country. This
explains the ferocity of the fighting, and, consequently, the extreme
suffering of the people in Kabul.
Forces loyal to the interim government are incapable of establishing their
control over Kabul or the rest of the country, but their opponents cannot
defeat these forces either. Most of these armed groups, which had gained
legitimacy during the war against the Soviet invaders, have now, because
of their utter disregard for human life, pretty much exhausted their legitimacy.
The interim government, unable to provide security, cannot attract international
financial assistance. The government is broke. Similarly, in the absence
of peace and order, economic reconstruction cannot be promoted. This makes
life harder for the people and adds to the financial crisis of the government.
However, this new political and military stalemate has created an environment
that may help the United Nations to negotiate a comprehensive political
settlement for the conflict. The UN must soon renew its efforts to achieve
peace in Afghanistan.
ENDING foreign financial and military aid to the various armed groups
is a prerequisite for the success of a political solution. The UN must
convince Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Pakistan to terminate their financial
and military support for then-Afghan clients.
Inasmuch as the efforts of each regional power to establish its dominance
in Afghanistan have been counteracted by rival powers, it is quite likely
that these states will soon realize that no one can achieve quick and
lasting victory in Afghanistan and will end their futile rivalry there.
The UN had made significant progress in this regard before the collapse
of the communist regime last April. Now, once again, the prospects are
bright for a successful UN initiative.
The UN must also pursue its earlier efforts to convene a meeting of some
500 prominent Afghans to elect an interim government. Although the list
that the UN has prepared may not be a perfectly representative one, it
is certainly more representative than the "decisionmaking" and
"consultative" councils that the current powerless government
has established. Upon the election of the new interim government, the
international community should provide the new government with political
and financial support. The interim government should promptly build a
new defense and security force.
International aid should provide the new defense force with adequate weapons
to effectively deal with any challenger. Of course, the defense force
should be nonpartisan; but the government should allow former mvjahideen
to join the defense force on an individual basis.
The intensity of ethnic, sectarian, and regional conflicts in Afghanistan
has increased substantially in the past few years. These issues should
be addressed after the restoration of peace and the rebuilding of state
institutions. The current level of instability promotes extremism and
does not allow a lasting resolution of these conflicts. The interim government
should prepare a constitution for the country. Controversial issues must
be justly resolved, within the framework of national unity, during the
constitutional discussions.
The constitution ought to be based on democracy and the right to political
participation for all groups and individuals. After the ratification of
the constitution by a constitutional convention, parliamentary elections
should be held under UN supervision; teams of observers from international
institutions concerned with the fairness of elections, such as the Carter
Center, should also be allowed to monitor the elections. The results of
the elections should provide the basis for the formation of a popularly
elected permanent government.
The people of Afghanistan are crying out for international help to end
the bloodshed. Aided by the new military and political stalemate, the
UN must renew its efforts to achieve peace there. The United States, Japan,
and the European Community ought to support the UN role - not for strategic
considerations, but because of their support for popularly elected governments
and concern for life and human rights throughout the world.
o Anwar-ul-Haq Ahady is professor of political science at Providence
College.
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